Gandhi and Jinnah on life after Partition - India Today Archives News - Issue Date: Aug 20,
Extra(6) Gandhiji's scheme of offering Prime Ministership to Jinnah in . Jinnah said that he was prepared to abide by the advice of the majority but and might do irreparable damage to good relations between India and Great Britain. 7 . The Jinnah House was built by Mohammad Ali Jinnah, who held crucial talks on partition of India here with Mahatma Gandhi in and with. Muhammad Ali Jinnah was a lawyer, politician, and the founder of Pakistan. Jinnah served as .. Jinnah attended a reception for Gandhi, and returned home to India in There was great opposition to the marriage from Rattanbai's family and the .. The following day, the Viceroy, Lord Linlithgow, without consulting Indian.
Just as importantly, his methods were thought to be correct; Indian freedom under Gandhi was to be won in an Indian way. To oppose him coming from within either orthodox Hinduism or broad Congress philosophy would have seemed either irreverent or un-Indian. Those who did oppose him found it difficult to remain in the Congress: Jinnah inC. Das inand Bose in had to leave and create their own platforms to oppose him at an all-India level.
Criticizing the Mahatma was potentially a short cut to the political wilderness. Contemporary critics of Gandhi were not usually close to him, mainly because he tended not to leave cast-offs But through it all Nehru always admired him, and thought of him as a magician, capable of pulling off feats of political sorcery of which no one else was capable. His unique ability to do this, and the unifying and empowering effect of that ability, was the main factor that pulled the Congress out of its middle-class youth, then anchored it as a powerful force at the centre of Indian politics.
Several senior members of the Congress did later write memoirs containing criticisms of Gandhi ranging from mild to severe. Bose was less restrained in The Indian Struggle. Bose became increasingly frustrated with Gandhi through the s.
Among friend-critics, the most prominent was Rabindranath Tagore, who had a clutch of disagreements with Gandhi, most notably over the Non-Cooperation Movement of He found it impossible to support the burning of valuable clothes and the denial of schooling to young Indians that the boycott required. The two men remained on cordial terms, but were never close after the Non-Cooperation Movement Misunderstanding of Gandhi led to comparisons between him and Hitler, a wild rhetorical leap that in hindsight seems sensationally misplaced.
It should be borne in mind that all the factors which have been mentioned as working to the disadvantage of Jinnah will for the same reason work to the advantage of the Congress.
A case of mistaken paternity?
E's main task is to find a solution to the present deadlock between the League and the Congress. It is no solution to suggest that power should be transferred to the Congress to the exclusion of the Muslim League. If the proposition were as simple as that, it would have been solved long ago. Abell, Captain Brockman, Mr. Gandhi the previous day after the latter's interview with the Viceroy.
He had reduced to writing an outline of Mr. Gandhi's scheme for an Interim Government pending the transfer of power. The salient features of this scheme were that Mr. Jinnah was to be given the option of forming a Cabinet of his own selection; and that if he rejected this offer, the same offer should be made mutatis mutandis to Congress.
Abell and Rao Bahadur Menon, and after a meeting with them on the subject, Rao Bahadur Menon had rendered a note containing criticism of the scheme. It was clear that Mr. Gandhi's plan was not a new one. Gandhi had made no attempt to disguise this fact. Abell and Rao Bahadur Menon had come to the unanimous conclusion that Mr. Gandhi's scheme was not workable. It would put the Viceroy in an impossible position; Mr. Jinnah's Government would be completely at the mercy of the Congress majority; every single legislative or political measure would be brought up to the Viceroy for decision and every action the Viceroy took after the initial stages would be misrepresented.
Gandhi's scheme the position of the Viceroy would become one of the greatest difficulty and embarrassment and read an extract from Rao Bahadur Menon's note to support this opinion. He asked what influence Mr. Gandhi had with the rank and file of the Congress party. Could he, for example, sway the Congress majority in the Assembly to his wishes? Gandhi's influence with the rank and file of the Congress party was very considerable but he had more difficulty with the leaders, particularly Sardar Patel.
Gandhi could not stay in Delhi and thus be in control of the situation all the time. Gandhi's proposition had already been put up to Mr. He wondered whether Mr. Gandhi would now take any further steps on the scheme outside. Gandhi's scheme was undoubtedly wild except for the fact of Mr. Gandhi's amazing personal influence which might induce Congress to accept it. A main danger in his opinion was that Mr. Gandhi might die-then the scheme would completely break down. He had made it quite clear to Mr.
Gandhi, during one of their talks, that he was not going to be a party to any manoeuvre whereby he would make an offer to Mr.
Muhammad Ali Jinnah
Jinnah which the latter was likely to refuse. Gandhi had quite sincerely stated that he would prefer Mr. Jinnah to form a Government, but had insisted on the inclusion of the clause that if Mr. Jinnah rejected the offer it must thereafter be made to Congress. Gandhi that he intended to formulate all conceivable workable alternative plans for the future of India, talk over them all with the different Indian leaders and finally discuss them at the projected meeting at Simla.
He intended to inform Mr. Gandhi's scheme, and all the other alternatives, at an early stage so that he could discuss it with the other leading Muslim League personalities before the Simla house party. He felt that Mr.
‘Friends and enemies’ - The Hindu
Jinnah should be told all the possible plans and that there should be no manoevring. This would have to be made quite clear.
He would make up his own mind. If either party raised vociferous objections to the solution he recommended, that would go against them. Gandhi went to Congress with his offer, it would put the Muslim League in a very awkward position. Therefore, he did not consider that Mr. Gandhi's scheme should be ranked as a possible solution.
It would not be very easy for Mr. Jinnah to refuse Mr.
Gandhi's object was to retain the unity of India and basically he was right in this. Gandhi honestly considered that the only hope of unity came from a Coalition Government. He thought that the present Coalition Government was functioning very creakily. He felt that the Muslims' fear must be removed before it could be made to work better.
Once the British had handed over to a unified India, Mr. Gandhi doubtless thought that the Indians themselves would be able to adjust matters and set up some sort of Pakistan, if necessary. Gandhi's viewpoint was that, since it was impossible to get Mr. Jinnah to agree to the Congress running the Interim Government, the only way was to get Mr. Jinnah to run it himself and for him Mr.
Gandhi to use his great influence to induce Congress to accept that. Matthai whether there was any hope of turning over to a unified India. Matthai had expressed the opinion that the Indians attached great importance to words. They were most unlikely to accept such a term as "federation" although they might accept an "alliance" which would produce identical results. It was the same thing with the word "Commonwealth". Matthai had also emphasized that no single person in India had really addressed themselves yet to the problem of the handover in June When that time came the Indian leaders would be in absolute despair.
Matthai had asked him whether the British would stay on if all parties asked them. MKG As with 'Mahatma'. I never regarded myself as one! MAJ What was it that you wanted to ask? And I lost what I coveted-a free, just and undivided India.
We saw India divided MAJ We saw Pakistan born. MKG It does not seem a happy nation MAJ Is India happy? MKG I thought I was to put the question Looking at his watch I have been waiting for it. MKG I died not of three bullets but of one burnt-up heart. MAJ What is the question? But it was not a nation I recognised. MAJ The question, please.
'Almost every Muslim was with Gandhi, not Jinnah' - promovare-site.info India News
MKG My associates were in no mood to listen to me. They were tiring of the struggle, and of the constant war of words with you when the challenge from Hitler came MKG I was alone, whereas you MKG Now my question is MAJ Putting the pipe back into his pocket Bau darad thayo MKG So we have at least two things in common-we speak Gujarati and we were in pain at the end of our days. MAJ I was speaking of physical pain. MKG My pain was not physical, except of course at the precise final moment.
The first shot coming like a flash rather surprised me The second one hurt, I must say, but the third one I did not really feel But the pain I am talking about was in my heart I died with that pain I do not know how It was all so sickening Anyway, what is the use of thinking about it now I asked them in Bihar, "I ask you how could you live to see an old woman being butchered in front of your eyes What made you think of her as a Muslim?
She was a mother Do not cut my throat MKG Did you take the culprits to task or not? And what about your colleagues?