secularism, the relations between Islam and democracy, religion and state ' Language Reform in Turkey and Iran' focuses on the inner dynamics by not. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan is due to attend a summit with Iranian and Russian leaders to discuss Syria. It will be Erdogan's. In many ways, Turkey and Iran are mirror images of each other. They share The Azeri populations in both have close linguistic ties to Turkey. . And its economic reforms have made it the 18th largest economy in the world.
Ottoman—Safavid relations Numerous times throughout the millennia-long history shared by the two neighboring nations, parts of the territory of Anatolia were conquered by the various empires based in modern-day Iran, including the Median Empirethe Achaemenid Empirethe Parthian Empirethe Sassanian Empirethe Safavid Empireand the Afsharid Empireamongst others.
In ancient times, the Asia Minor formed one of the core regions of the Achaemenid Empire, with most notably the cities of Sardis and Smyrna in western Anatolia.
Iranian-Turkish Relations Deepen with Shared Regional Goals
Various empires based in what is now Turkey made inroads into what is now Iran, such as by the Byzantine Empireand the Ottoman Empire.
The basic principles included friendship, neutrality and nonaggression towards each other.
The agreement also included possible joint actions to groups in the territories of both countries which would try to disturb peace and security or who would try to change the government of one of the countries. This policy was indirectly aimed at the internal problems both countries had with their Kurdish minorities.
Iran–Turkey relations - Wikipedia
On 23 January the first definitive frontier treaty between Turkey and Iran was signed in Tehran. The border between Turkey and Iran is one of the oldest in the world and has stayed more or less the same since the Battle of Chaldiran inand the Treaty of Zuhab.
The treaty thus formalised a centuries-old status quo. On the same day, the countries signed a new Treaty of Friendship, as well as a Treaty of Conciliation, Judicial Settlement and Arbitration. Several regions in Turkey were visited and attempts at close friendship and cooperation between the two leaders were made.
Reza Shah Pahlavi was reportedly impressed by the republic's modernization reforms and he saw this as an example for his own country.
This treaty would become known as the Treaty of Saadabad. The purpose of this agreement was to ensure security and peace in the Middle East. The adoption of a Latin alphabet was indicative of this sentiment. It was believed that in order for Iran to be a strong nation, its language must too be uncorrupted.
This was a part of the Pahlavi the dynasty of Reza Shah and his son Mohammed Reza Shah state ideology and allowed Iranian rulers to consider Iran to be fundamentally different from, and even better than, other Islamic countries.
Alongside these changes came vast education reforms: Azeri Turkic culture and languages in the north-western provinces were less persecuted, although bilingualism was required. Meanwhile, education in Turkey was unified under a national system and the new alphabet was required to be taught in all schools.
Both reform movements have had huge consequences to this day. In this he is a divisive figure.
Politicians, usually educated, are known to use Turkish-origin words instead of Arabic- or Persian-origin words, aware of what it means for the national integrity of the country.
This has often alienated the large proportion of people for whom religious identity may be more important than national identity. By reacting against the secularist and ethnic nationalism of the Turkish republic, as symbolised in his disregard for the use of Turkish-origin words, he sets his nationalist parameters in terms of religion, populism, and the power of a strong leader. Meanwhile in Iran, the conscious use of Persian-origin words in the place of Arabic-origin words marks the user out as cultured and literary while the excessive use of Arabic-origin words by the ruling Mullahs is often ridiculed.
Anti-Arab nationalism along Pahlavi lines was for many years the most mainstream way of indirectly expressing opposition to the Islamic republic.