Media and government relationship in pakistan movie

State and Media - Recent - Aurora

media and government relationship in pakistan movie

Guidelines for network relations . In contrast, Pakistan's English media played down most of the controversy and provided generally responsible coverage. This gave the impression that the government was losing control of the situation. action against the makers of the movie the Pakistan broadcast media played a . All governments including the military sayhigh about the press freedom but often . relations of Pakistan with foreign states shall be punishable. The cinema. Media in Pakistan provides information on television, radio, cinema, newspapers, and One tool widely used by the government is to cut off 'unfriendly' media from . It was launched and designed to increase and deepen public understanding of the two countries and their important relationship, one that is crucial to.

Media of Pakistan - Wikipedia

The Executive has myriad ministries, departments and corporations at the Federal and Provincial levels. With the Supreme Court at the apex, the Judiciary comprises high courts in each province and region, as well as hundreds of district courts. Though the media regrettably tend to be incorrectly referred to in the singular, in reality, they represent a wide range of diversity; from newspapers to electronic news channels, from printed current affairs magazines to non-news entertainment channels, from conventional mass media to digital media.

And within each of these media, there is variation of content, quality and interpretation between the political sections and, say, the sports section of the same single medium. Just as variety is the spice of life, media are the forever-shifting, always-changing kaleidoscope of our times. The different components of the State at multiple levels interact with different media in different contexts, sometimes on a minute-by-minute, hour-to-hour basis or sometimes at a frequency of longer periods.

Despite the exponential expansion of society, the private sector, civil society and the non-partisan, non-political aspects of life, the official State is in almost continuous, perpetual interaction with the media. Perhaps we can enumerate the number of spheres in which the State and the media relate with each other as being seven. The first of these is the State as sponsor, owner and employer in the media sector.

media and government relationship in pakistan movie

Whereas newspapers have traditionally been associated with private ownership as distinct from state ownership which also exists in some countriesthe introduction of radio as a mass broadcaster made the State a media proprietor.

This set a pattern that was to be retained even after the independence of Pakistan and India in August, Radio Pakistan in our country and Akashvani in India inherited the concept of state ownership and played a pivotal and formative role in articulating the national identities of the two new nation-states. This linkage shows a notable quality of durability.

New, privately-owned FM radio channels in both countries have not ended the continued existence of Radio Pakistan — also known as the Pakistan Broadcasting Corporation PBC onward of — or of Akashvani. Both also continue to be the recipients of substantial financial subsidies from the public exchequer.

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This is partly justified by the fact that these state radio networks conduct public service broadcasting on a far larger scale than do privately-owned radio stations. The Legislatures, most often at the federal level, enact the laws by which both public and private media are owned and operated.

The need to project public notices, from legal notices or tender notices, public service announcements or adulatory, self-congratulatory campaigns on new development programmes of a government, on successes achieved in sectors of State activity creates the third relationship with the State as a big, multi-billion advertiser.

media and government relationship in pakistan movie

Governed by the structure and regulations by which State-related advertising, both at the federal and the provincial levels, is subject to control by ministries and departments, gives the State a powerful financial influence on the media. Often, this power is used by governments to penalise sections of the media that have either been harshly critical of the government of the day or have failed to follow written or unwritten guidelines.

There was a sudden rise in coverage for religious parties in comparison mainstream political parties most of which remained on the side- lines on this issue in the Urdu press.

Critical analysis of press freedom in pakistan - CSS Forums

In stark contrast, as the blasphemous movie controversy erupted the English media were focused on other issues — the Fair Trial Bill, the visit of Indian foreign minister to Pakistan and the culling of Australian sheep at a farm outside Karachi. Nevertheless, most of the English papers in Pakistan: Daily Dawn, The Express Tribune, The News and the Daily Times, reported on the lm and the violent protest, but the story of the killing of the US Ambassador to Libya was overshadowed by the Baldia factory re, which was covered extensively in the English press.

According to journalist and media analyst Ghazi Salahuddin 33the English media was more objective but it too was under pressure. In fact, Daily Dawn in its editorial on September 15th suggested that the issue may best be ignored, and that attacking American missions abroad serves no purpose and that such actions are done by some people and the state is held responsible for them.

The paper also suggested that the US respect Muslim sentiments. In its editorial on the same day, 34 the paper argued that much of the damage was caused by the government- sanctioned strike. It blamed both religious parties and the government equally for the carnage. The same line was adopted by The Express Tribune. Extensive coverage of the protests at the US consulate general in Karachi and the damage caused on September 21st was high- lighted.

Interestingly, neither the papers nor those interviewed criticised the root cause of the carnage. In The News, an interview with a cinema owner illustrated the problem. He said that while his cinema was burnt, the cause for which it was burnt was right. This offer was extensively covered. A scoop for The Express Tribune was the burning of a church in Mardan by rioters protesting against the blasphemous movie. While the English press kept is eye on the losses and damage caused by the rioters and those who supported action against the makers of the movie the Pakistan broadcast media played a role in shaping public opinion against the blasphemous movie with news channels covering extensively riots over the movie across the Arab world.

Nevertheless, all major news channels covered the blow by blow account of rioting in Lahore and Islamabad as well as the attempted attack on the US consulate in Karachi. TV reporters also complained that they too were attacked by protestors some of whom accused the television networks of bias. Saad Hasan, a reporter for Express Tribune newspaper, for instance, said that he felt unsafe while covering the violence because a lot of the anger was directed at the media. However, no television channel aired any clips of the offensive video or even described its content.

Almost all anchors and TV show hosts took refuge in talk about how the West had double standards and how the Muslim world is under attack, particularly from the United States. But media analyst Ghazi Salahuddin blames the broadcast media, 37 especially Urdu news channels, for stirring up the audience and he disagrees with the notion that only a minority of people supported the protests.

In that instance, public opinion was in favour of the killer and this was reinforced by the media. Similarly, the Innocence of Muslim lm was seen as deeply offensive and unacceptable slight on Islam and media reinforced that sentiment. Blogger and journalist Mehmal Sarfraz says that the social media work under certain constraints.

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Some of the bigger names from Pakistan, like Mosharraf Zaidi and Marvi Sirmid insisted that the best way to deal with the situation is to ignore it. But at the same time several insisted that America should be held responsible for the movie and action must be taken against it. While one would have expected some sort of debate in this somewhat elitist medium, there was none that trended. Facebook and Twitter provided avenues for many Pakistani Muslims to protest over the blasphemous movie and the manner in which the US government had responded to protests.

There was much comment, too, on the way the stories appeared in the English media, but most people were wary of commenting in any way on blasphemy, which on almost all platforms, is a taboo topic in Pakistan. However the religious parties actively used social media to generate support for their protests and demonstrations and also to stir up anger on the inter- net.

media and government relationship in pakistan movie

Another academic critical of western media coverage is Dr. He said that media coverage was problematic, not least because it appeared to be on one-dimensional, that the core issue about the film concerned free speech rights. Media were particularly influenced by religious parties, not necessarily extremists, who saw this as an opportunity to regain lost political ground.