Furthermore, as implied in the second portion of the previous quote, earthly . look at Tibet's history and the complex relationship that has developed, over time, . The question of Tibet is complicated by the myths and uncertainties that surround its answer, in legal or historical terms, to the question of Tibet's political status. The Chinese, on the one hand, claim that Tibetan leaders made their country a . was a chö-yon or protector-patron relationship between the two governments. relationship between China and Tibet before the PRC "was suzerainty, not sovereignty. . As it's not academic paper I don't think I need to give detailed quotations here but I can still give you some historical and complex political issue?.
Tibet — Flag of Tibet between and This version was introduced by the 13th Dalai Lama in A proclamation issued by 13th Dalai Lama in states, "During the time of Genghis Khan and Altan Khan of the Mongols, the Ming dynasty of the Chinese, and the Qing Dynasty of the ManchusTibet and China cooperated on the basis of benefactor and priest relationship.
Issued by the Kashag to Tibet's finance minister Tsepon Shakabpa for foreign travel, the passport was a single piece of pink paper, complete with photograph. It has a message in hand-written Tibetan and typed English, similar to the message by the nominal issuing officers of today's passports, stating that ""the bearer of this letter — Tsepon Shakabpa, Chief of the Finance Department of the Government of Tibet, is hereby sent to China, the United States of America, the United Kingdom and other countries to explore and review trade possibilities between these countries and Tibet.
We shall, therefore, be grateful if all the Governments concerned on his route would kindly give due recognition as such, grant necessary passport, visa, etc.
Some visa do reflect an official status, with mentions such as "Diplomatic courtesy, Service visa, Official gratis, Diplomatic visa, For government official". However, acceptance of a passport does not indicate recognition of independence, as for example the Republic of China passport is accepted by almost all the countries of the world, even though few of them recognize the ROC as independent.
Tibet Government in exile post [ edit ] See also: This group claims sovereignty over various ethnically or historically Tibetan areas now governed by China. Aside from the Tibet Autonomous Regionan area that was administered directly by the Dalai Lama's government untilthe group also claims Amdo Qinghai and eastern Kham western Sichuan. Prior tomuch of Amdo and eastern Kham were governed by local rulers and even warlords. During the 5th Dalai Lama's time [—], I think it was quite evident that we were a separate sovereign nation with no problems.
The 6th Dalai Lama [—] was spiritually pre-eminent, but politically, he was weak and uninterested. He could not follow the 5th Dalai Lama's path. This was a great failure. So, then the Chinese influence increased. During this time, the Tibetans showed quite a deal of respect to the Chinese. But even during these times, the Tibetans never regarded Tibet as a part of China.
All the documents were very clear that China, Mongolia and Tibet were all separate countries. Because the Chinese emperor was powerful and influential, the small nations accepted the Chinese power or influence.
You cannot use the previous invasion as evidence that Tibet belongs to China. In the Tibetan mind, regardless of who was in power, whether it was the Manchus [the Qing dynasty], the Mongols [the Yuan dynasty] or the Chinese, the east of Tibet was simply referred to as China.
Tibetan sovereignty debate - Wikipedia
In the Tibetan mind, India and China were treated the same; two separate countries. In the opinion of the commission, the government of Tibet conducted its own domestic and foreign affairs free from any outside authority, and countries with whom Tibet had foreign relations are shown by official documents to have treated Tibet in practice as an independent State. The Tibetan Government in Exile views current PRC rule in Tibet, including neighboring provinces outside Tibet Autonomous Region, as colonial and illegitimate, motivated solely by the natural resources and strategic value of Tibet, and in gross violation of both Tibet's historical status as an independent country and the right of Tibetan people to self-determination.
In contrast, since the midth century it is agreed that China had control over Tibet reaching its maximum in the end of the 18th century.
The 13th Dalai Lama, for example, knelt, but did not kowtow, before the Empress Dowager Cixi and the young Emperor while he delivered his petition in Beijing. Chinese sources emphasize the submission of kneeling; Tibetan sources emphasize the lack of the kowtow.
Titles and commands given to Tibetans by the Chinese, likewise, are variously interpreted.
The Qing authorities gave the 13th Dalai Lama the title of "Loyally Submissive Vice-Regent", and ordered to follow Qing's commands and communicate with the Emperor only through the Manchu Amban in Lhasa ; but opinions vary as to whether these titles and commands reflected actual political power, or symbolic gestures ignored by Tibetans. Goldstein writes that Britain and Russia formally acknowledged Chinese authority over Tibet in treaties of and ; and that the British invasion of Tibet stirred China into becoming more directly involved in Tibetan affairs and working to integrate Tibet with "the rest of China.
After the revolution, the Chinese Republic of five races, including Tibetans, was proclaimed. Western powers recognized the Chinese Republic, however the 13th Dalai Lama proclaimed Tibet's independence.
Some authors indicate that personal allegiance of the Dalai Lama to the Manchu Emperor came to an end and no new type of allegiance of Tibet to China was established,  or that Tibet had relationships with the empire and not with the new nation-state of China. The United States presented a similar viewpoint in Stating that The Seventeen-Point Agreement was intended to facilitate the military occupation of Tibet. For all countries in the world, Tibet is Chinese territory.
During the early s governmental bodies, including the European Union and United States Congress, and other international organisations declared that Tibetans lacked the enjoyment of self-determination to which they are entitled   and that it is an occupied territory. By it was the only state still to hold this view.
We are not in favor of independence. The old society, the Chinese government and its supporters say, was a serfdom and, according to reports of an early English explorer, had remnants of "a very mild form of slavery " prior to the 13th Dalai Lama's reforms of Later on we would be told that this was a new way of welcoming and congratulating. The Chinese team explained their intrusion to the Sakya and local authorities by stating that the People's Liberation Army PLA and the Communist party of China CPC had marched a great distance, climbed high mountains, crossed big rivers, and braved the worst weather in the world—all to serve the Tibetan people, a long lost brother-member of the great Motherland, China.
The Chinese mission in Tibet was to usher in a new era of progress, with connotations of new miracles to a preindustrial people. As soon as the people of Tibet were able to rule by themselves, the Chinese comrades would return home—or so was defined for Tibetans the alien concept called autonomy.
This assuring, disarming message was expected to filter down from the upper strata of the society to the masses. The initial Chinese policy wisely took into account the separate and independent Tibetan civilization that had developed through centuries. The signing of the Seventeen-Point Agreement of between China and Tibet and the policy that followed it indicate the Chinese recognition of Tibet's cultural and political independence.
The wall that separated the Chinese and Tibetans was as enormous as the Wall of China. When the first Chinese Communists arrived in Sakya there was the same kind of curiosity a native shows to the foreigner, the same kind of hostility, though more spiritual than physical, the invaded shows to the invader. In fact, at that time we could have identified ourselves much more easily with a Ladakhi living as an Indian citizen than with a Chinese.
Our sense of independence was based more on our life and culture than on law or history, canons by which non-Tibetans decide the fate of Tibet. Even at the time of the Chinese ascendency in Tibet the Chinese power was limited to the presence of an amban imperial resident and his escort of one to two hundred soldiers in Lhasa.
Such terms were imposed by European legalistic interpretations of and inferences from a non-European relationship between Confucian China and Buddhist Tibet. Tibet was not ripe for revolution in the sense China was.2,000 Years of Chinese History! The Mandate of Heaven and Confucius: World History #7
The economic conditions of Tibetan peasants and herdsmen were far better than those of Chinese peasants; there had been no famine recorded in Tibetan history. Between and Chinese soldiers passed through Sakya.
Tibetan sovereignty debate
When the Chinese opened their school in Sakya, they politely suggested that the small traditional ones be merged with the new ones. Along with thirteen other boys I was then learning the Tibetan language and laboriously practicing calligraphy.
My teacher advised my mother that I should join the Chinese school. Looking back now I recall that the vast majority of the eighty-two students in the Red School were the sons and daughters of aristocrats and officials. The Chinese Communists cultivated and pampered the lords and lamas of Tibet for almost a decade.
Peking's strategy for the role of the traditional ruling class in Tibet was very important: They were to be the vanguard of peaceful revolution. Their moral sanction and active cooperation would help the Chinese to achieve the top priority task of the People's Republic of China: After Tibet, only Taiwan remained.
The Chinese expected the traditional ruling class to help them to minimize the chances of anti-Chinese revolt before the Chinese could consolidate their power. The Tibetan rulers, with a few exceptions like Tibet's last prime minister, Lhukhangpa, willingly cooperated with the Chinese.
Names and titles might vanish, but in substance they would continue to enjoy the same privileges as before. It was not so much the egalitarian aspect of the future ideal society that excited the young. Nor did the Chinese emphasize it. What excited us were the miracles of the magic wheel.
The Chinese Communists posed in the Fifties more as modernizers or industrializers than as Marxist revolutionaries. And this was largely responsible for the willing cooperation of the upper classes. The magic wheel was to do history's job. By the time we reached the classless society, the industrial revolution would be complete and everything would be done by machines.
A time would come when our meals would be brought right up to our mouths by machines. Delegates from all over Tibet were invited to visit China's best factories, mines, and educational institutions and to observe their armed forces. The purpose seemed twofold: One day, to my utter surprise, I saw a green rubber figure of Mao Tse-tung on his altar, equating Mao with the gods.
The Chinese Communists' spending of silver dollars, called da-yuan, was decisive in winning the active cooperation of the rulers and passive acquiescence of the masses. Da-yuans were paid most lavishly to the aristocrats and officials for their cooperation; to the young for undergoing indoctrination courses; and of course to the laborers for building Chinese military roads. I received thirty da-yuans per month for attending the Chinese school. My elder brother and sisters who worked on Chinese road building were paid three or four silver dollars per day.
One such silver dollar could fetch about four Indian rupees in the 's. Some popular songs and sayings about the silver dollar da-yuans give some idea of the extent of Peking's generosity during this period. There is a song by an anonymous author that the Dalai Lama quotes in his writings: The Chinese learned lessons from Chinese imperial history. Since the eighteenth century China had been persistent in its attempts to gain effective control over Tibet. But in the past the enormous physical barriers made any colonial conquest meaningless.
How did Tibetans respond? My mother was not untypical of Tibetan people.
The common people, being illiterate, were unreceptive to new ideas, if not hostile to an ideology that opposed the very spirit of their way of life. The Chinese knew that. The Lhasa revolt of did not touch us in Sakya at all. Fortunately we were far away from the fighting that went on between and in Eastern Tibet.
The revolt was a culmination of a six-year resistance that began in Kham and spread gradually to Lhasan Tibet. Relations between Lhasa and some Khampa chieftains had previously been strained, although their spiritual allegiance to the Dalai Lama was absolute. What then made the Khampas turn against the Chinese? The Khampas are inhabitants of Eastern Tibet, which borders China.
When the Chinese Came to Tibet
The Manchu Dynasty and the succeeding republican regime began gradually nibbling away at Tibetan territories next to China. When the Communists marched in inthey crossed all the former Tibetan territories, which were by then part of China but whose inhabitants were ethnic Tibetans; then into areas of Tibet proper; and finally halted at Chamdo. The Chinese Communists began to treat greater parts of Kham as part of China proper.
Most of the Khampas who led the Tibetan resistance missed the honeymoon period of Chinese Communist administration. In Sakya they were carried out only after the revolt. The experience of Khampas I have met indicates that the Chinese in Eastern Tibet behaved and acted more hastily, intolerantly, and impatiently than they did in my area of Tibet.
The Lhasa uprising became a rallying point for a pan-Tibetan religious nationalism, whose nearest parallel might be Hindu revivalism during the early phase of the Indian National Movement.
Ironically the Khampa-led resistance developed crudely along Maoist lines: Rebels got their supplies and intelligence from the local people, and used hit-and-run tactics to attack Chinese posts. After the successful suppression of the Lhasa uprising, a group of Chinese working personnel, escorted by some PLA men, arrived in Sakya in April, There is yet more irony in this tragic drama.
They were ordered to return immediately for lobjong.