Class Structure in Modern Latin America | promovare-site.info
Throughout Latin America, countries have long sought to claim immunity we discover a U-shaped relation between skin color and education. race— especially skin color—is related to socioeconomic status in the region. The relationship of society to economy and the interplay of economic realities and class in the historiography of colonial Latin America, as is evidenced in. Throughout Latin America, race and ethnicity continue to be among the most and mestizos opt out of public health services as they become more middle class. . 16 African countries in an attempt to study the relationship between ethnicity.
Racism and Race Mixture in Latin America
At the end of her chapters, Hordge-Freeman comments on similarities between Brazil and other parts of Latin America and the African diaspora. Pigmentocracies differs from the other books in several ways: The survey methodology shows in a systematic way some things that had previously been shown qualitatively. A key finding was that the size of ethnoracial populations counted by censuses and surveys varies widely according to the questions asked and the categories used.
Individual self-identification questions returned smaller indigenous populations in Mexico and Peru than questions about ancestry. This may seem predictable, but it is useful to reveal this in a systematic and comparative way, especially in Latin America, where the measurement of ethnoracial inequality is not only incipient in many countries but also beset by methodological and conceptual uncertainties about how—and indeed whether it is even meaningful—to classify people ethnoracially especially if this means going beyond a simple division between indigenous and nonindigenous.
Another important finding is the systematic demonstration of the existence of ethnoracial inequality among indigenous, black, mestizo, and white people, although the survey only provides data on perceptions of discrimination by color, class, and in some cases language and does not measure the extent to which racial discrimination drives racial inequality. In Brazil, statistical data demonstrating the structural impact of racial discrimination were, in the s and s, arguably instrumental in changing government policy, which eventually admitted the existence of racism and took measures to combat it.
The skin color data showed that inequalities were more clearly associated with color than with ethnoracial identity — But lightness of skin was associated more systematically with better education. This might mean that discriminators act on the basis of perceived color not to mention other markers such as haircreating a coherent association between color and social status, while self-identification responds to other influences, such as an aversion among the better educated to self-identify as white in countries where the national norm is a mixed person We already knew that simple views of the dominance of whiteness are nuanced by the fact that in Brazil especially in Bahia some light-skinned people choose to identify as brown or even black for social reasons.
Pigmentocracies reinforces this nuancing for Mexico where, in addition, a significant group of whites in the north of the country had relatively low educational status and for Colombia. As a member of the project team argues in a recent article, it may be that symbolic boundaries of whiteness are less rigid than the structural ones.
These processes are often seen as integrally linked to mestizaje, cast as a positive equalizing force that crosses boundaries and erodes difference. On the other hand, there are processes, nearly always seen as ideological and material, that reproduce racial inequality and point up racial difference.
Paradoxically, the phenomenon of mestizaje is seen as being also a vehicle for this second set of processes, which are apparently diametrically opposed to the first set. Instead of tokening an egalitarian exchange, mestizaje can enshrine hierarchical difference by being recast as blanqueamiento whitening ; and it only draws its meaning from the founding differences between blackness, whiteness, and indigeneity.
- Race and ethnicity in Latin America
Although Rahier does not go into detail, this tool presumably works because the elites are dominant and are able to impose their worldview, despite resistance. As I noted earlier, these approaches tend to cast elites as simply cynical or as self-deceiving victims of their own rhetoric, while nonelites are either resistant challenging but not necessarily able to overturn dominant structures of power or they are plagued by false consciousness, misrecognizing the realities of racism, which are hidden from view by myths and ideologies of racial democracy and race mixture as a force capable of undermining racial hierarchy—myths that have no purchase on the realities of everyday life.
This means that any positive statement about racially harmonious interactions—such as those made by teachers he interviewed about social relations in the schools where they worked—inevitably appears as a manifestation of false consciousness and simple denial or misrecognition of racism. Sue addresses directly the problem of false consciousness and rejects its assumption of a duped subaltern class. The possibility that mestizaje can encompass inclusion as a lived, embodied reality—partial and interwoven immanently with partial realities of exclusion—gets short shrift.
Hordge-Freeman also tussles with the contradictions produced by mixture. The main emphasis of the book is on exposing the gendered racial hierarchies evident in ideas about bodies, beauty, family relationships, respectability, and spatial structures; she also shows that the people she worked with often reproduced racial hierarchies by evading and minimizing them for example, attributing racism to older generations, rather than their ownalthough they were willing to talk about race with her.
For example, women tend to reproduce aesthetic standards that see light skin, straight hair, and a narrow nose as beautiful; these standards, oriented to whiteness, are internalized and naturalized. At the same time she commented on the desirability of straightened hair and of marrying a white man. However, while alive to these contradictions, Hordge-Freeman explains them in terms of a dual dynamic of the internalization and contestation of hegemonic norms of whiteness. For example, Hordge-Freeman looks at the huge success of the Instituto de Beleza Natural, which offers treatments relaxing, rather than straightening, hair.
It sells its services in terms of helping people improve their career opportunities and does not mention race at all. Of course, these inclusive meanings are always already exclusive ones as well. Inclusion and exclusion are immanent in each other.
The point is that the Instituto is tapping into experiential, embodied realities, not just ideologies and myths. Thus Peronism included the popular classes, avoiding the explicit discussion of race and implicitly extending the embrace of whiteness to encompass them and their mestizo background. Both these tendencies were ideological and material realities. Final Thoughts All of these books include some reference to comparative frames—usually ones comparing Brazil with the United States, but also ones comparing Latin American countries.
The emphasis tends to be on nonexceptionalism: Argentina, according to Alberto and Elena, is not an exception in Latin America but is a variant on a Latin American theme. Brazil is not an exceptional racial democracy, compared to the United States, but a variant on a hemispheric American, a black Atlantic, or a Lusophone theme. This is all to the good; comparisons are useful, but defining one case as exceptional tends to play to nationalist myth making.
In Latin America, the pervasiveness of mestizaje—understood as material-semiotic phenomenon—in all its regional variants gives the balance a particular form, rooted in the intimacies of kinship and neighborhoods, which holds the key to the persistence of ideas of racial democracy in the face of decades of sustained critiques.
Only by grasping racial democracy as a myth but also more than a myth can we understand its persistence.
Hegemony operates by constructing realities that are at once material and semiotic. Telles, Race in Another America: Princeton University Press, Harvard University Press, The source is a Minority Rights Group report, which turns out to cite an online report by the Inter-American Foundation, which cites a newsletter by the Colombia Human Rights Committee.
Her presentation of the data on Brazil is more robust.
Sociology of Race
Whereas ethnicity is often seen as a system of social organization where membership is established through mutual identification between a group and its members. The construction of race in Latin America is different from, for example, the model found in the United States, possibly because race mixing has been a common practice since the early colonial period, whereas in the United States it has generally been avoided.
Blanqueamiento Blanqueamiento, or whitening, is a social, political, and economic practice used to "improve" the race mejorar la raza towards whiteness.
However, blanqueamiento can be considered in both the symbolic and biological sense  Symbolically, blanqueamiento represents an ideology that emerged from legacies of European colonialism, described by Anibal Quijano 's theory of coloniality of powerwhich caters to white dominance in social hierarchies  Biologically, blanqueamiento is the process of whitening by marrying a lighter skinned individual in order to produce lighter-skinned offspring.
Mestizaje An important phenomenon described for some parts of Latin America such as Brazil and Mexico is " Whitening " or " Mestizaje " describing the policy of planned racial mixing with the purpose of minimizing the non-white part of the population. In Latin America, a person's ancestry is quite irrelevant to racial classification. For example, full-blooded siblings can often be classified by different races Harris Casta During the Spanish colonial periodSpaniards developed a complex caste system based on race, which was used for social control and which also determined a person's rights in society.
India - a person who is a native of, or indigenous to, Mesoamericaand 4 Negro fem.
Negra - a person of African slave descent. The Castizos which had one Mestizo parent and one Spanish parent, the children of a Castizo were generally accepted as a Criollo. Additionally the presence of considerable portions of the population with partly African and Asian heritage further complicates the situation.
Even though it still arranges persons along the line between indigenous and European, in practice the classificatory system is no longer biologically based, but rather mixes socio-cultural traits with phenotypical traits, and classification is largely fluid, allowing individuals to move between categories and define their ethnic and racial identities situationally. It is now however becoming recognized that processes of identity formation and social stratification in regards to all population groups in Mexico can be analyzed both in terms of race and of ethnicity.
Mestizos[ edit ] The large majority of Mexicans classify themselves as " Mestizos ", meaning that they neither identify fully with any indigenous culture or with a particular non-Mexican heritage, but rather identify as having cultural traits and heritage that is mixed by elements from indigenous and European traditions.