EU-Russia Relations from a Russian Point of View | Heinrich Böll Stiftung European Union
Oscillating between conflict and cooperation, the EU-Russia relations are of strategic importance in key policy areas such as European. The EU is Russia's largest trading partner, accounting for % of all foreign and Cooperation Agreement to strengthen bilateral trade. Since the EU's political and economic relations with Russia have been based on a Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (PCA).
Ukraine, no doubt, remains the major salient dilemma. The sanctions adopted sincehave been the first since the Cold war and applying economic pressure on Moscow and continuously extended every half year, they have further exacerbated the bilateral tensions, actually rupturing many avenues of dialogue. They have instilled the feeling in Russian society, currently very keen on regaining almost great power status in world politics and military affairs, that the EU and Europe are not friendly partners and by no means a model for replication.
Real progress has to be made on this issue before relations can return to normal. In my eyes it is clear that the Minsk II agreement frequently saluted by the leading EU members and its members in the Normandy format talks is almost defunct.
Furthermore, Moscow will observe jealously any EU attempts to extend its influence and presence in the post-Soviet are.
This means that we could indeed expect growing tensions and competition regarding EU moves to strengthen cooperation not only with Kyiv but also with Moldova, Belarus, any Black Sea and Balkan states and even with the Central Asian countries. Consequently, Moscow would only be happy to see Eastern Partnership wither, as much as it understands that Brussels also will strive to prove that for Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova, the European Union remains a more attractive option than Russia and the Eurasian Economic Union.
Although somehow outdated, it provides guarantees of minimum legal protection to Russian economic interests. On its part, Russia is ready for talks with individual states on important bilateral issues as migration, energy including nuclearscience, cooperation in space, cyber security, the formation of a Greater Eurasian Partnership, etc.
In a broader context, Russia actually is a natural partner for the EU in discussing such topics as the migration crisis now haunting the EU, the situation in the Balkans, where Bosnia-Herzegovina still remains a powder keg, in the Greater Middle East and Northern Africa, specifically in Libya and Syria, in Iran and Iraq.
HR Mogherini already suggested consultations on North Korean nuclear-missile issue, though I do not see how Moscow despite its recent accommodation proposals and UNSC permanent member status could be really helpful. Generally, there are, in my opinion, almost no controversies between the EU and Russia on the issues of arms control. The parties seem to agree on the importance to strengthen the crisis-management capabilities of the OSCE, its monitoring mechanisms in conflict areas, as well as on instruments for crisis prevention and resolution.
They are now, not without friction, tested in the eastern Ukraine separatist-held areas. The focus should be on developing new measures to prevent direct military collisions on the ground and in the air, sea and cyberspace, on creating constant channels of communication between defence ministries and military headquarters, and on developing new rules of conduct that would prevent dangerous military activity.
Nothing meanwhile prevents the ever-eager regional arms control community to mull over and propose certain new ideas which might be useful when the time for them finally ripens. As the Ukrainian issue is now the key irritant in the EU-NATO-Russia relations; what is rather more promising is a start of discussions of new outlines for a perspective European security architecture.
Measures aimed at the restoration of a climate of mutual trust and cooperation What is needed and can, apparently, be realised are various step-by-step, cautious measures aimed at the restoration of a climate of mutual trust and cooperation in the security sphere in Wider Europe. These measures could include: The experts could develop the outlines of the system of notifications on military aviation flights and manoeuvres of naval vessels, i.
Both NATO and Russia could practice a broader system of inviting representatives to their respective manoeuvres and envision more joint peacekeeping and terrorist-fighting operations. It would be especially useful in conventional arms control in Europe, where efforts to revive the dialogue have failed. The same counts for warning against planned snap exercises. Moscow could, in turn, demand more guarantees against the rapid deployment of NATO forces or at least some limits and more predictability regarding their deployment in eastern Europe.
In sum, what is needed is a package of crisis-de-escalation and prevention instruments such as sub-regional transparency and confidence-building measures, more openness on large-scale military exercises in border areas, strengthening of the inspections regime in a cost-effective way.
Trade with Russia - ECFR's European Foreign Policy Scorecard
Moscow could demand more guarantees against rapid deployment NATO forces which it regards as a threat something like a no-troops-increase zone along the NATO-Russia borderland. This set of proposals may be too extensive and unrealistic for the moment. However, launching such a discussion process could lead us to the stabilisation of the current situation. What is needed today is a programme to crush the deep-frozen ice packs in bilateral relations and introduce a new set of confidence-building measures.
That would bring about a new quality in the relations between Moscow and the West and strengthen mutual reliance and collaboration. It is critical that the current crisis does not undermine the traditional constructive collaboration between the United States and Russia on non-proliferation issues. EU Member States and Russia must then engage in discussions over the control of conventional and nuclear arms, as well as the potential arms race in Europe, including tactical nuclear weapons and deployment of US-NATO missile defence.
There are seemingly no clues how to revive it. Managing insecurity by regional Baltic Sea states through the kind of risk reduction and confidence-building measures and constructively resuming the dialogue at the NATO-Russia Council could be very propitious for the general climate of sanctions in the European region.
Generally, all this should lead to new efforts to develop a picture of an eventual European security ambiance which could be acceptable and attractive both for Moscow and the West. Outlines of a possible document statement, declaration can be worked out. This is, in my view, an urgent imperative of these tumultuous historic times when novel actions and the New Thinking is needed. It asserts a privileged position in determining our security choices. It uses overt and covert means of economic warfare, ranging from energy blockades and politically motivated investments to bribery and media manipulation in order to advance its interests and to challenge the transatlantic orientation of Central and Eastern Europe.
Right across the EU we are seeing alarming evidence of Russian efforts to unpick the fabric of European unity on a whole range of vital strategic issues.
Clapperthe U. Director of National Intelligenceto conduct a major review of Russian clandestine funding of European parties over the previous decade. In the latter an armed coup was actually in progress but prevented by security services on the day of election on 16 October, with over 20 people arrested.
EU-Russia trade bouncing back despite sanctions
Usovsky confirmed the authenticity of the emails. Finland should not desire NATO membership, rather it should preferably have closer military cooperation with Russia. Such decisions will not be left to Russian generals. Requesting an explanation, Romania's foreign ministry stated that "the threat of using a Russian strategic bomber plane by a Russian deputy prime minister is a very grave statement under the current regional context.
Putin pointed out that there will be consequences, that Russia will have to resort to a response of the military kind and re-orientate our troops and missiles.
Russia–European Union relations - Wikipedia
Parliamentary Defense Committee chairman Allan Widman stated, "The old military doctrine was shaped after the last Cold War when Sweden believed that Russia was on the road to becoming a real democracy that would no longer pose a threat to this country and its neighbors.
Brigadier General Meelis Kiili stated, "The best deterrent is not only armed soldiers, but armed citizens, too. Relations between the U. Brian Whitmore of Radio Free Europe stated that the case "illustrates the Kremlin's campaign to intimidate its neighbors, flout global rules and norms, and test NATO's defenses and responses. She said that the UK Government would "consider in detail the response from the Russian State" and in the event that there was no credible response, the government would "conclude that this action amounts to an unlawful use of force by the Russian State against the United Kingdom" and measures would follow.
Use of migration issues[ edit ] In Januaryseveral Finnish authorities suspected that Russians were enabling migrants to enter Finland, and Ylethe national public-broadcasting company, reported that a Russian border guard had admitted the Federal Security Service 's involvement.