The India-US relationship is still determined to a large extent by the power the Foreign and Defense Ministers of India and the United States has led through strategic understanding before recurring problems snowball into. India–United States relations (or Indo-American relations) refers to the international relations India cultivated strategic and military relations with the Soviet Union to counter Pakistan–United States relations. In , India " Reactions: Obama's visit to India opens doors, leaves questions – Illinois State University News". But India's relationship with Russia is much more limited than it was during has raised questions in Delhi — not about the Russia relationship, but And Russia gave India access to defense technology that few others were.
Meanwhile, poor harvests forced India to ask for American aid for its food security, which was given starting in The Soviet Union provided about half as much in monetary terms, however made much larger contributions in kind, taking the form of infrastructural aid, soft loans, technical knowledge transfer, economic planning and skills involved in the areas of steel millsmachine buildinghydro-electric power and other heavy industries especially nuclear energy and space research.
Eisenhower at Parliament House, before the President's address to a joint session of Parliament, InDwight D.
Indo-US ties improve under Modi and Trump - The Hindu BusinessLine
Eisenhower was the first US President to visit India to strengthen the staggering ties between the two nations. He was so supportive that the New York Times remarked, "It did not seem to matter much whether Nehru had actually requested or been given a guarantee that the US would help India to meet further Chinese Communist aggression. What mattered was the obvious strengthening of Indian—American friendship to a point where no such guarantee was necessary. Kennedy, Vice-President Lyndon B.
Kennedy 's Presidency —63India was considered a strategic partner and counterweight to the rise of Communist China. Kennedy said, Chinese Communists have been moving ahead the last 10 years. India has been making some progress, but if India does not succeed with her million people, if she can't make freedom work, then people around the world are going to determine, particularly in the underdeveloped world, that the only way they can develop their resources is through the Communist system.
The Kennedy administration openly supported India during the Sino-Indian war and considered the Chinese action as "blatant Chinese Communist aggression against India".
India–United States relations
Defense Secretary Robert McNamara and General Maxwell Taylor advised the president to use nuclear weapons should the Americans intervene in such a situation. Kennedy insisted that Washington defend India as it would any ally, saying, "We should defend India, and therefore we will defend India. As an economist, he also presided over the at the time largest US foreign aid program to any country. Following the assassination of Kennedy inIndo-US relations deteriorated gradually.
India–United States relations - Wikipedia
While Kennedy's successor Lyndon Johnson sought to maintain relations with India to counter Communist China,  he also sought to strengthen ties with Pakistan with the hopes of easing tensions with China and weakening India's growing military buildup as well. Richard Nixon shifted away from the neutral stance which his predecessors had taken towards Indo-Pakistani hostilities. He established a very close relationship with Pakistan, aiding it militarily and economically, as India, now under the leadership of Indira Gandhiwas seen as leaning towards the Soviet Union.
He considered Pakistan as a very important ally to counter Soviet influence in the Indian subcontinent and establish ties with China, with whom Pakistan was very close. Later inIndia conducted its first nuclear test, Smiling Buddhawhich was opposed by the US, however it also concluded that the test did not violate any agreement and proceeded with a June shipment of enriched uranium for the Tarapur reactor.
In the late s, with the anti-Soviet Janata Party leader Morarji Desai becoming the Prime Minister, India improved its relations with the US, now led by Jimmy Carterdespite the latter signing an order in barring nuclear material from being exported to India due to India's non-proliferation record. The Reagan Administration provided limited assistance to India.
India sounded out Washington on the purchase of a range of US defence technology, including F-5 aircraft, super computers, night vision goggles and radars. In Washington approved the supply of selected technology to India including gas turbines for naval frigates and engines for prototypes for India's light combat aircraft. There were also unpublicised transfers of technology, including the engagement of a US company, Continental Electronics, to design and build a new VLF communications station at Tirunelveli in Tamil Nadu, which was commissioned in the late s.
The United States strongly condemned this testing, promised sanctions, and voted in favour of a United Nations Security Council Resolution condemning the tests. President Bill Clinton imposed economic sanctions on India, including cutting off all military and economic aid, freezing loans by American banks to state-owned Indian companies, prohibiting loans to the Indian government for all except food purchases, prohibiting American aerospace technology and uranium exports to India, and requiring the US to oppose all loan requests by India to international lending agencies.
Only Japan joined the US in imposing direct sanctions, while most other nations continued to trade with India. The sanctions were soon lifted. Afterward, the Clinton administration and Prime Minister Vajpayee exchanged representatives to help rebuild relations. India emerged in the 21st century as increasingly vital to core US foreign policy interests. India, a dominant actor in its region, and the home of more than one billion citizens, is now often characterised as a nascent Great Power and an "indispensable partner" of the US, one that many analysts view as a potential counterweight to the growing clout of China.
In MarchU. Bush collaborated closely with India in controlling and policing the strategically critical Indian Ocean sea lanes from the Suez Canal to Singapore.
- What’s next for US-India defence ties?
Bush administrationrelations between India and the United States were seen to have blossomed, primarily over common concerns regarding growing Islamic extremismenergy security, and climate change. Bush commented, "India is a great example of democracy. It is very devout, has diverse religious heads, but everyone is comfortable about their religion.
The world needs India". Bush as "being the most pro-Indian president in American history. According to Laskarthe UPA rule has seen a "transformation in bilateral ties with the US", as a result of which the relations now covers "a wide range of issues, including high technology, space, education, agriculture, trade, clean energy, counter-terrorism, etc".
SinceWashington and New Delhi have been pursuing a "strategic partnership" that is based on shared values and generally convergent geopolitical interests.
Numerous economic, security, and global initiatives — including plans for civilian nuclear cooperation — are underway. This latter initiative, first launched inreversed three decades of American non-proliferation policy. Also inthe United States and India signed a ten-year defence framework agreement, with the goal of expanding bilateral security cooperation. The two countries engaged in numerous and unprecedented combined military exercises, and major US arms sales to India were concluded.
According to Michael Kugelman, South and Southeast Asia expert at the Woodrow Wilson International Center, the US was unprepared to meet new challenges in India because of its "inability to keep pace with the transformations. He also said that both countries are strengthening the relations between their defence and research organisations. Narayanancriticised the Obama administration for linking the Kashmir dispute to the instability in Pakistan and Afghanistan, and said that by doing so, President Obama was "barking up the wrong tree.
The defence partnership has proven to be a low velocity, high inertia affair — slow, steady, but unlikely to change course absent a major disruption. The joint statement released by Trump and Modi underlined and indeed broadened this strategic rationale for defence cooperation. On counter-terrorism the Modi-Trump summit largely reaffirmed the gains that both countries have made, but pointed to areas in which we might eventually see closer cooperation.
The road ahead Where then might we expect the defence and security relationship to go from here? There are three areas worth watching. The first is that we are likely to see a steady tempo of defence sales. India is in the midst of a long overdue defence modernisation, and this demand-side impetus for US-India defence trade is supplemented by the understanding in New Delhi that Trump will likely continue to measure the bilateral relationship in part by the volume of manufacturing that it generates at home.
The US-India defence Technology and Trade Initiative has contributed to a liberalised technology release policy by the US such that few defence technologies are now subject to license review, and those that are reviewed are quite likely to be approved. This is the second area to watch. In addition, the transfer of certain sensitive technologies are difficult to justify or legally approve by the US defence community unless India demonstrates that it will use the technologies to engage in meaningful defence activities with the US such as joint patrols or operationsand is willing to sign enabling agreements that would facilitate the sharing of sensitive communications security and geospatial information.
India has, to date, resisted these operational and legal measures due to bureaucratic resistance and vague concerns regarding sovereignty.
The third and final area is in the domain of counter-terrorism.